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By School of Environmental Education and Training "Chico Mendes"
We think that this Environmental Crisis expresses the limits of the conception of unsustainable rationality curdled in the centuries of an also unsustainable Modernity. We maintain that it is a crisis based on the reification of the world, on the ignorance of the other and of the complexity and that, by ignoring nature as a subject of law, it turns it into a basket of unlimited resources, endangering cultural diversity and degrading the environment.
Faced with the commemoration of the Bicentennial of our independent life, from the "Chico Mendes" Environmental Education and Training School, we wish to contribute some ideas with the intention of generating reflections and points of view for the construction of an emancipatory thought.
We do so convinced that the times we live and inhabit have the fragility and uncertainty of the Environmental Crisis. We think that this Crisis expresses the limits of the conception of unsustainable rationality curdled in the centuries of an also unsustainable Modernity. We maintain that it is a crisis based on the reification of the world, on the ignorance of the other and of the complexity and that, by ignoring nature as a subject of law, it turns it into a basket of unlimited resources, endangering cultural diversity and degrading the environment.
The history of Modernity, a process that involves the entire colonial period and independent centuries, has subdued the signs of difference and has written the absolute modernist truth with a heretical and deceptive language. Its configuration that disfigured the being, underlies different twists and turns of the last five centuries, coincides with the formation of scientific thought in classical science, with empiricist, idealistic and materialistic currents and with the substantial cartographies that in the political, social and social spheres. economic benefits will grant it the protective foliage of the overflowing enlightenment-modern pretense. The Cartesian, Galilean and Kantian positions inevitably led to the raising of the stormy front of the Environmental Crisis, visible for forty years, which today is agitated, pushed, without return, by so many simplifying nonsense encoded with cruelty by the logic of the fragment.
The celebrations of the Bicentennial generate a favorable climate to rethink the past and reimagine the future. The evocation of the May Revolution of 1810, allows to signify the inaugural step of the independent stage of what would later be Argentina, and it expands uncontrollably to be associated with other emancipatory processes that will finally germinate during the 19th century, in the new Latin American ethos.
However, and to be faithful to the region's own emancipatory genesis, it is necessary to remember that the first libertarian cry occurred in one of the geographic halves of a Caribbean island, populated by black slaves, in Haiti, a French colony, in 1804 , at the height of Napoleonic Power and with the still powerful lights of the French Revolution. A few years ago, in the midst of the whirlwind produced by Enlightenment, the father of modern constitutionalism, which laid the foundations for rationalist philosophy to place Positive Law at the heart of the legal organization of States, had stated that “it was It is impossible for God, a very wise being, to have endowed the horrible blacks with souls ”. Today, after the catastrophe that devastated the island, we wonder why that brave people continue to pay with their poverty and endless plundering, the audacity of having challenged the empire of the ideas of Unsustainable Modernity. In this devastated place, the tectonic plate is the unworthy misery that is conjugated with indecent inequalities and with the obscene arrogance of the local oligarchy.
The Bicentennial of the May feat in Argentina is written as the first page of a series of independence reminders, which will unfold in the region, as the national bicentennial writes the literature of the reminder of their emancipatory genesis.
Placing ourselves in the bicentennial searches implies a brief memory of the origins. We define as beginnings, as a referential mention, those times of creaking, where on the one hand the decline of medieval times took place, overlapping with the entrails of a new historical stage whose hard core was configured from the predominance of the reason and the subordination of nature and cultures to the precepts of Modernity, which on the other hand, opened the floodgates for the construction of a geometrized architecture whose bricks of unalterable truths were legitimized in disciplinary islets.
The contour of the new civilizing shores was drawing with the contribution of various aspects such as, among others, those of commercial accumulation, whose seed is based on the growing asymmetric commercial exchanges, in the conquest of new territories by the Europeans of the Renaissance , in the consolidation of a vision of thought, culture and reality itself expressed by the supreme autonomy of reason, and by the construction of a historical project where the forms of knowledge of Western civilization dominated nature and quantified life and the world.
Slowly and inexorably the unicato civilization was consolidated, through the homogenization of culture, and the imposition of an irreducible and phantasmagorical discourse on the diversity and differences of the material / symbolic universes. When in 1492 the Spanish Europeans, enslaved in the forge of the fight against the Muslim Arab invader, arrived in the Indies, they strengthened the unquenchable thirst for conquest, wealth and mission.
Thus begins the long and painful process of conquest and colonization. Among many other events, we wish to highlight two that seem to constitute the most expressive sap of the coloniality of power in these lands, which soon after would take the name of: America. The conquering and colonizing fever by the European powers, particularly Spain, Portugal, England and France, is unleashed immediately. The possession of the land, the dominion over the territory and its wealth and cultures inaugurate a phase of colonialism still unfinished.
The two facts that we wish to recall are, the first, that it clearly points to simulation and political cross-dressing (in fact, considerably refined over the centuries). The Spanish Bishop Borja, renounces his surname and takes that of Borghia, to be later designated as Pope Alexander VI, who in a Bull, narrated with the language of a vertical geometric meter, divides the complexity and exuberance of America, Abya Yala, for the Original Peoples, in two parts that it graciously presents to Spain and Portugal. The first limit that nascent modernity sets in our region on its complex natural and cultural ecosystems, considering this thing as a mere reified externality, is that of a gash, abysmal, brutal and arbitrary, whose wound, with the passing of time, never left bleeding and, therefore, cannot be sutured yet.
The other mention we want to make is about the region we inhabit, the south of the Province of Santa Fe, making reference to the geography of Rosario and its surroundings, inscribed in the so-called Cuenca del Plata. The eccentric inaugural word, Silver, imposed from the shores of the conquest to a southern estuary, the southern Atlantic, Río de la Plata, the final funnel of a complex system that the Original Peoples, the Guaraníes, among others, called COMARCA OF THE WATER, undressed the heady thirst for resources on the part of the conqueror, falling like lightning on a serene day on the incomparable wetlands, subordinating the culture / nature relationship to the budding rationalist outline, drawing on the surface the linear mark of his commercial urges, leaving engravings in the ecosystem and in time, the devastating path of no return, which he would impose with his colonization.
The colonial stage, transferred in centuries of foundations of cities, governorates, viceroyalties, which established its productive project in mining, with the productive format, among others, of the Treasury raised on the Latifundio and an institutionalized socio-productive organization in the encomienda, the mita, the yanaconazgo, black slavery, all added to the activity of the monopoly trade, and an overdetermining function of the Church, plus an absolute political power exercised in a bureaucratic and pyramidal way, began to be slowly but relentlessly undermined by interests of different origins. , a series of convulsions that occurred in the different directions of Latin America, such as the uprisings in the original towns, comuneros; in correlation with the European context of the first decades of the XIX century.
The described scenario, with thick lines, shows a complex stage of growing cultural, political and social interactions, with a productive design that rests, without memory, in an extractive process mega-ordered by mining and large estates. It was in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata where these contingencies and interregional internal conflicts were shaken and accelerated in their reactive processes by the events of Napoleonic expansion in Europe, particularly the invasion and conquest of Spain, through the ruse of the abdication of the conservative monarch Fernando VII.
May 1810 becomes a historical event with unimaginable repercussions. The whole subsequent process, until the definitive organization of the Argentine Republic, will be influenced, openly or underground by that feat that is re-created, re-founded in May. How not to recognize that the pen of forgetfulness and the concealing ink of her revolutionary endeavors fell upon her, within the epochal contexts.
From these events we want to highlight two contributions that become invaluable, as we could consider them, among others, as nutrients of Latin American Environmental Thought: the Revolutionary Plan of Operations, written by Mariano Moreno, which summarizes the world of ideas of the time sieved with a look born of the pupils of the south (although imbued with the contributions of the Enlightenment). The other event to emphasize is the Decree of Suppression of honors, sanctioned by the First Board, after a military drunk by the harvest of ephemeral success, in the party organized to celebrate the first triumph of the own troops, just a skirmish in Upper Peru, crowned Cornelio Saavedra with laurel leaves, as Emperor of America (from the historical point of view, the gesture of giving the crown of laurels to Saavedra gives rise to the Morenoites to accuse him of wanting to appropriate power).
Then, years of confrontations and tears between Americans followed. The San Martin deed that affirmed the independence of this region was also launched, also liberating Chile and Peru, thus undermining the bases of Spanish imperial power. Situation that was consolidated after the establishment of an agreement with Simón Bolívar, incomparable strategist and politician, who advanced from the north with his emancipatory feat, proposing to end the colonial power that subsumed this region.
Continuing with the great epochal traits, from the first independence years we wish to highlight who, for us, is the father of Latin American geography, graphed in the metaphors of diversity, interculturality and the dialogue of knowledge, and who stands as one of the first oases for the construction of Latin American Environmental Thought. We refer to José Gervasio Artigas, leader of the Banda Oriental. His project of the Free Peoples, which at that time involved the coastal region of present-day Argentina, was based on a territoriality of coexistence between the various ethnic groups and their cultural expressions. His letters addressed to the central power and to some coastal governors are of inexhaustible wealth. On the other hand, the formation of a project that territorializes difference, open to intercultural dialogue that was proposed as a true revolutionary process, along the same lines as the one that Simón Rodríguez, Simón Bolívar's teacher, proposed shortly after.
The emancipatory impetus found limits that were indefinite but impossible to surpass. With fear and infinite pain we noticed that the emancipatory peaks ended their days in the darkness of oblivion, exile, silences, labyrinths and solitudes that made up the twilight company of Bolívar, San Martín and Artigas, and their armies of Negroes, Negras, Mestizos, Mestizas, Mulatos, Mulatas, Original Peoples ... like the Charrúas of what came to be called the Banda Oriental.
Then began a stage linked to the territorial political organization of the recently emancipated nations, including Argentina, until the mid-nineteenth century, as a separation from what had been the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, defined in an archipelago territoriality. For a long time the nationalist historical discourse identified Argentina with the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, thus Argentina presented itself as a country that was losing territories. From this speech, brother countries began to be viewed as quasi-enemies. It is essential to point out that the countries formed from the disintegration of the Viceroyalty are the evolution of very complex socio-historical processes. With flexible and interpenetrable borders where, frequently, and increasingly intense, two Paradigms came face to face: that of Western Civilization and that of the Original Peoples, the first of them, increasingly modern, written with metaphors of the own fragmentation of the instrumental rationality and ready to enter with force in the dissuasive lands of the Progress.
Finally, that modernization process that seemed so far removed from the colonial project deployed in Latin America, but that ran through the underground rivers of so many unexpected directions, appeared stripped of any confusing language, and opened without obstacles the project of the national organization to integrate the territory with the abstract languages of the market, with the thought of economism and the empty word, just a shell without existence, of cultural and natural diversity.
The 1853 Constitution is sanctioned in an international context marked by the hegemony of rationalist philosophy and the industrialization process driven by instrumental rationality and market logic. The Kantian vision of reality based on the horizons of fragmentation prevailed, which set out to promote what has come to be called Western cultural schizophrenia. Thus deepens the common thread announced millennia ago by Plato and around three hundred years by Descartes when they proclaimed the caesura between subject and object, between culture and nature, between matter and spirit. With these contributions and the perception of the triumph of a conception of the world spread since the Enlightenment, the legal architecture of Modernity was designed, no time after him would have been possible without his contribution. In reality, Modernity and its Unsustainable Matrix would not have been possible without Kant.
Kant defines nature as an order that must be in the sphere of human domain, since it is an inanimate reified materiality. And it opens that closed world so that rational man acts according to the dictates of science and technology, monitored by Individualism and Private Property. In this way, nature and the body are subject to the laws of causality. The domain of Reason consists in generating a project of exploitation on nature, considered infinite, according to scientific research and technological application, according to the laws of the market.
But the philosophical reflection of freedom remained. And it is here where Kant, in Practical Reason, defines that freedom has nothing to do with nature, which is an absolutely different principle, since it is stated that its being is the existence of the immortal soul and the existence of God. And here, in this sphere, the freedom of man, ethics and politics are thought. Two worlds, the world of nature and on the other edge, distant and impossible to access, the realm of the spirit.
According to this dominant vision so far, man has the freedom to act with scientific rigor on the kingdom of nature, in this sphere neither freedom nor ethics act, since nature is not a subject of law, according to Positive Law, that has its chambers in dialogue with transcendence. There is the cultural schizophrenia of the West. There it is, in its most explicit germs, one of the tributaries, increasingly contaminated, that will unleash the gale of the Environmental Crisis.
1910 stands as an emblematic and referential date in the history of Argentine splendor, the myth of the emergence of Argentina in 1810 is re-created. The nation opened up to the world to show the future traveled since May 1810. Buenos Aires During the festivities he exploded with optimism and approached the promises of the announced heaven. In fact, it was more like the Crystal Palace imagined by Dostoevsky than the happy photograph of a time that will never be. A series of exhibitions, exhibitions, ceremonies, and publications spread the dim lights of economic growth, the positivist conception of endless progress, and the endless happiness of a society in a state of illusion. Illusion word that in Latin means deception.
The idea of the exhibition on Progress and the shady futures that were opening had also been the foundation for the first industrial exhibition organized in London, in 1861, to celebrate the civilizational and human redemption summits generated by science, technology and market economy. It was made in an imposing and majestic construction that recreated a Crystal Palace, which was later destroyed by fire.
The whole country, even in the loneliest corners of its geography, adorned itself to remember the supreme event of being independent and rejoice, with the endless promises that Agro-exporter Argentina offered us for a future without parallel, made up of an elite of landowners. , positivists and conservatives of varied streak. It is necessary to remember that in the 1895 census the country had 3,748,000 inhabitants and that later, the population will double in 1914, reaching the figure of 7,906,000. The floods of immigration had redesigned the social topology to the point that, towards the end of the 19th century, half of the population of Buenos Aires was foreigners. Thus, the entire Pampean region was redesigned by immigration and the railroad. A poet from Santa Fe, José Pedroni, called this plain "pampa gringa".
The Constitution of 1853 and its modifications put emphasis on the reunification of the country after Pavón. The program put in place was strengthened by the postulates of the religion of Progress, a reference to Unsustainable Modernity, which catapulted political-social energies towards economic growth, focused on agricultural production for export, as a mechanism for integration into the world market and some incipient industrialization processes. This model could be developed to the extent that two key aspects were secured to write the story of modern Argentina: immigration and transportation.
In order for the image of integration and cohesion to be possible, those empty, uncivilized spaces in the hands of the "indiada" had to be integrated into the Argentine territory. We know that, in this context, the so-called “Conquest of the Desert” took place to integrate Patagonia and the Chaco Campaign, to annex the Northeast Region.
This strategy based on extermination and domination consolidated the substratum of power in the country. In this way, a conception of the earth, conjugated in the most sterile languages of the latifundio, whose metaphors carry the burden of a totalitarian and omnivorous economic conception of the world, reification of nature that built destroying everything, opened the floodgates for the alteration of socio-natural balances to date. Deeply devastating of natural and cultural biodiversity, this "Argentine" process constitutes the unequivocal representation of the Mechanistic Paradigm that acquires the dimension of myth at the same moment in which, from different scientific and thought horizons, the formulation of the second law of thermodynamics: the law of Entropy, which dismantles all the scaffolding built up to then, particularly in the fields of Economic Sciences, in the second half of the 19th century.
Regarding the genocide of the Original Peoples and the theft of their lands, which ended up at the hands of the owners of Power, processes protected by the Legal structure of Positive Law, in addition to expressing our active repudiation, our support without fainting and claiming the demand for the historical and cultural reparation that is owed to them, -as a debt, by the relatives-, we want to transcribe an event -poetically quoted by Eduardo Rosenzvaig- witnessed by one of those who made up the forces of the Conquest, the naturalist Jorge Fontana.
Around 1880, he relates that he saw how the last Payaguás, the original people of the Chaco, canoeists of the great rivers Paraguay and Uruguay, lived the eve of extinction. This people lived, slept and loved on the water. Fontana was able to observe the last seventeen members of the tribe. The Payaguás language was the most difficult in the world, perhaps because it was made up of words spoken under water. After infinite river defeats, they are invaded by a deep sadness, that of disappearance, silent, their bodies immobile, worried about remote events that cause them pain, they still have movement in harmony with gravity. They are the last ones. They have not fought for years not to lose any of their own. In the group there are five children who seem old men. Do not play. An adult is being watched and the cries drag on nights and days. It seems not the burial of a man but of an entire nation, says the naturalist, the extinction of a species. Because the fertility curve in the sexes has dropped dramatically with anguish. It is difficult to be born. It seems the burial of a world, and the naturalist says goodbye to that culture forever, noting, without heart, some aquatic words in his notebook. Just a gesture.
An unpostponable legacy underlies this gesture, the heritage of those languages of water must be recovered, rebuilt, so that in times of Environmental Crisis we can think and think about / with / on / since the commemoration of the Bicentennial. It is a pedagogical process that challenges us. From this pedagogy it will be necessary to name anthropological silences. The silenced voices will be audible if the conceptual setting that silenced them and made their existence invisible is deconstructed. Our new voices will have the encouragement of the cultural voice of all Latin American springs to confirm the Environmental Thought that we are developing. This gesture is part of our own gesture. That unbreakable gesture will be the one that attracts us to imagine the lands of emancipation since the Bicentennial.
We are already on the Bicentennial stages. The 20th century left deep and indelible marks on the skin of the earth and on the soul of the people. It has been the most violent and bleak century of all time. The wars of generalized and inhuman extermination, Hiroshima, the invasion of countries and the destruction thought and planned to the point of exhaustion in the heat of Doctrines such as that of National Security and the control exercised by the owners of power through international organizations such as the WTO , are examples of the scourges of these times.
Latin America has contributed to this state of general upheaval and violence, by launching plans such as the so-called Condor, the National Security and others that were inexhaustible sources of repression and delivery of natural and cultural heritage. In Argentina, this general derision was cemented with the government of the Genocidal Military Dictatorship, associated with the transnationalized capitals that began to execute, with blood and fire, the Neoliberal project of accumulation, pillage and natural devastation and social annihilation.
The commemoration of the Bicentennial is made in the context of the validity of a constitutional government that deepens and strengthens the course of the constitutional state recovered in 1983.
From the "Chico Mendes" School of Environmental Education and Training we associate ourselves with all popular expectations for the celebrations of the Bicentennial. We also agreed that these celebrations should have the space to highlight, remember and recover our best historical prosapias, to summon citizens to express their imaginary in relation to a common and emancipatory future, for everyone, from Argentina and for Latin America.
However, we are challenged by the environmental crisis. Crisis that impacts the entire planet and that in our country and in our province emerges from the daily cracks of reality either as Climate Change, as Greenhouse Effect, as Droughts and Floods, as diseases that initially have confusing diagnoses and then later It is found that they are generated by the polluting effects of productive devices, and by an infinity of painful daily issues such as the growth of poverty, exclusion, the irreversible deterioration of natural ecosystems, by deforestation, erosion and the enormous consumption of Energy.
On this we can affirm, as international organizations say, that the installation and maintenance of a productive model that we call industrial agriculture affects our food sovereignty, biodiversity, expelling local populations towards the periphery of large cities, increasing levels of impoverishment and poverty. exclusion and putting the health of rural and urban populations at risk.
From this conflictive environmental framework of the 21st century, we affirm that the environmental crisis is a civilizational crisis, a terminal crisis of a historical stage that ignores what is different for the sake of market utilitarianism and its restless individualism.
Thousands of social, academic, cultural movements, original peoples and popular cultures of the irredenta region are thinking and building Latin American environmental thought and we share the legacy that Simón Rodríguez, Simón Bolívar's teacher, left us, “EITHER WE INVENT OR ERRAMOS”. This, our Latin American environmental thought, emerges from the rubble of the economized world, a landscape eroded by the needles of the short-term productivist, uncovers the mathematized alphabet of technologized scientism, and re-imagines the world from other strategies of power and from a new geopolitics of knowledge.
Latin American Environmental Thought rethinks cognitive cartographies and boldly refundational dismantles objective, universal, mechanistic knowledge, validated by positivist sciences and their illusion of Progress. The militaristic vision of nature coined by modern deception, sustained in the schizophrenic culture of a subject detached from nature and culture, subjugated by the efficiency of the market, makes unfeasible.
The Latin American Environmental Thought builds with the Environment concept the vital key of its geostrategy. It jumps on the hegemonic ecologist and economist channels and their attempts to internalize externalities, to drink in a territoriality of the being environmentalized, complex, interdependent, enriched in the Dialogue of Knowledge, outlines an alternative epistemology to the Western-centric Paradigm, opening up to a different relationship between nature and culture, in tune with the disassembly of the geometric building postulated by the Kantian Cartesian conception.
The Environment as Environmental Complexity feeds the Environmental Knowledge in whose grammars the logic of incontrovertible dualisms sinks hopelessly, buried by nostalgia for what could not be. The dialogue of diversities combines an unprecedented crossroads aimed at resemantizing philosophy, geography, history itself, and all the sciences.
At this crossroads, Latin American Environmental Thought galvanizes its historical legitimacy when it inscribes indigenous knowledge, popular cultures, and contemporary scientific revolution in its ethos, forging a new emancipatory poetic oriented towards the decolonization of Unsustainable Power and Knowledge, where it will forge an unprecedented relationship between culture and nature so that the economy and life can host the creative senses of culture. El Pensamiento Ambiental Latinoamericano impulsa la subversión epistemológica para que arraigue en los territorios el desafío de la Justicia Ambiental, la Racionalidad Ambiental, el Saber Ambiental y la pulsión infinita del deseo del buen vivir…
La etapa final de la Modernidad Insustentable se impuso con los golpes de fusta del modelo de acumulación y dominación conocido como Neoliberalismo. En Argentina y aquí mismo en nuestra provincia, como si se confirmara el hilo conductor que tejió nuestra colonialidad desde la conquista, consolidada como nunca desde la turbiedad de la globalización, el LATIFUNDIO GENÉTICO, se convierte en una estrategia de dominación y destrucción, exclusión con el formato de Refugiados Ambientales, tanto rurales como urbanos, que avanza tercamente hacia los tiempos de la desolación.
Embebidos de la construcción del Pensamiento Ambiental Latinoamericano y como lo postularon sus más reconocidos pensadores decimos que, en el contexto de esta geopolítica, se hace imperioso repensar los procesos productivos y de consumo, así como la investigación y la educación. En este sentido, la racionalidad ambiental y el saber ambiental ofrecen un paradigma sustentable, al tiempo que incorpora nuevos valores éticos al debate político que trasciende el simple cálculo económico y la elección racional de opciones en una toma de decisiones hacia la sustentabilidad regida por el cálculo económico e informada por la ecología.
El límite de la sustentabilidad en la racionalidad ambiental no se sostiene solamente en bases ecológicas y en la ley de la entropía, sino también en términos de equidad, en un proyecto de democracia y de justicia social. La cuestión de la distribución económico-ecológica se traduce en una política de la diversidad y de la diferencia, en una ética de la otredad, que vienen a cuestionar los principios de organización de la vida humana, más allá de la economía, en la subjetividad remitida al yo individual, y a una objetividad de la realidad sujeta a la unidad y a la universalidad del mundo. La apertura hacia la otredad es el encuentro con un Otro que no es asimilable en lo mismo. La otredad se sitúa en la exterioridad, en la complejidad, en la muerte entrópica, donde ya no puede pensarse al otro como un alter – ego, como un reclamo de reciprocidad y de igualdad desde el egocentrismo del yo, del logocentrismo de la racionalidad científica, del individualismo derivado de la racionalidad económica y jurídica que exigen igualdad y mismidad en el encuentro con el otro. La otredad remite al ser que busca emanciparse de su otro opresor: a los lenguajes de las culturas locales frente al monolingüismo del otro; a la ecología frente al poder hegemónico del capital; a los “derechos comunes a los bienes comunes” frente a la propiedad privada como lógica de un poder supremo global; al yo femenino y a las identidades diferenciadas y complejas –de género, de formas culturales de ser– que se afianzan en su exigencia de igualdad en la diferencia, que no demandan igualdad en un mundo homogéneo, sino que buscan comprensión de su otredad y reivindican sus derechos a la diferencia.
Esta crisis civilizatoria impulsa un cambio de racionalidad social que conlleva una reinvención de la producción, donde más allá de la ecologización posible de la economía, se construya una nueva racionalidad productiva, una economía de la vida sustentada en los potenciales ecológicos del planeta y en la creatividad de sus culturas: un mundo global construido por las relaciones, alianzas, sinergias interculturales.
Desde la Escuela de Educación y Formación Ambiental “Chico Mendes”, arraigados en el Pensamiento Ambiental Latinoamericano, reimaginando un mundo donde prosperen el diálogo de Racionalidades, que pueda romper el corset arrasador de la Racionalidad Instrumental, repensando la Educación desde las semánticas del Saber Ambiental, impulsado por la Ética de la sustentabilidad, frente a los festejos del Bicentenario de nuestra Independencia, proponemos reflexionar colectivamente sobre estas ideas:
– asegurar la Justicia Ambiental;
– promover alternativas económicas que contribuyan en el desarrollo de nuestros mundos de vida ambientalmente seguros;
– garantizar nuestra libertad política, económica y cultural, negada por quinientos años de colonización y opresión, que promovieron el envenenamiento de nuestras tierras y comunidades y el genocidio de nuestros pueblos,
Por ello, afirmamos, adoptamos y exigimos, entre otros, los siguientes principios de Justicia Ambiental, tal como lo postulan las redes de justicia ambiental que integramos:
1- La Justicia Ambiental afirma la sacralidad de la tierra, su unidad ecológica, e interdependencia de todas las especies que, además, gozan del derecho imprescriptible a no ser objeto de destrucción ecológica;
2- La Justicia Ambiental exige que las políticas públicas se basen en el respeto mutuo y en la justicia para todos los pueblos sin exclusión, libres de toda forma de discriminación y preconceptos;
3- La Justicia Ambiental proclama el derecho al uso responsable, ético y equilibrado del suelo y de los bienes renovables en aras de un planeta sustentable para los humanos y para todas las formas de vida;
4- La Justicia Ambiental clama por la protección universal contra los ensayos nucleares, contra la producción y derrame de venenos, desechos tóxicos y peligrosos, que amenazan el derecho fundamental a gozar de aire, suelo, agua y alimentos sanos y limpios;
5- La Justicia Ambiental afirma el derecho fundamental de todos los pueblos subyugados a la autodeterminación política, económica, cultural y ambiental;
6- La Justicia Ambiental exige el cese de la producción de materiales tóxicos, peligrosos y radioactivos, y que sus productores, antiguos y actuales, sean severamente responsabilizados ante el pueblo y obligados a desinfectar y descontaminar todos los ámbitos de producción, industriales y rurales;
7- La Justicia Ambiental exige el derecho irrestricto para ejercer la participación igualitaria en cualquier nivel del proceso de decisiones, incluyendo en esta exigencia la definición de las necesidades, y sobre el planeamiento, ejecución y evaluación de los proyectos de desarrollo;
8- La Justicia Ambiental afirma el derecho de todos los trabajadores y trabajadoras a tener un ambiente laboral seguro y saludable, sin que sean forzados o amenazados a escoger entre una vida insegura y el desempleo. También afirma el derecho de todos y todas que trabajan en su propia morada a estar libres de riesgos ambientales;
9- La Justicia Ambiental protege los derechos de todas las víctimas de injusticia ambiental, exige la obligación de compensarles con indemnizaciones justas por los daños generados y, también, el derecho a obtener un tratamiento médico de calidad y gratuito;
10- La Justicia Ambiental considera actos de injusticia ambiental producidos por los gobiernos como una violación a la Ley Internacional, a la declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos y a la Convención de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Genocidio;
11- La Justicia Ambiental deberá reconocer una relación legal y natural especial a los pueblos originarios por acuerdos, convenios y tratados que afirmen su soberanía y autodeterminación;
12- La Justicia Ambiental afirma la necesidad de promover políticas urbanas ambientalmente sustentables y políticas rurales libres de contaminación con el objeto de reconstruir las ciudades y los territorios rurales en equilibrio con la naturaleza, honrando la integridad cultural de todas las comunidades y garantizando el acceso justo de todos al usufructo integral y sustentable de los bienes naturales;
13- La Justicia Ambiental clama por la obediencia irrestricta a los convenios acordados para poner fin a los ensayos genéticos y a procedimientos médicos que tomen como objeto de experimentación a los seres humanos;
14- La Justicia Ambiental se opone sin concesiones a las acciones destructivas de las empresas multinacionales;
15- La Justicia Ambiental se opone a la invasión y ocupación militar, a la represión, a la explotación de tierras con fines colonialistas, a la explotación de todas las formas de vida;
16- La Justicia Ambiental afirma la imperiosa necesidad de educar a las generaciones presentes y futuras, poniendo énfasis en los temas ambientales y sociales, una educación fundada en la experiencia y en el respeto, sin concesión, por la diversidad cultural;
17- La Justicia Ambiental requiere que todos y todas, sujetos complejos, escojamos formas de consumo sustentables con el objetivo de desterrar el consumo depredador de los bienes naturales, producir un menor volumen de basura, tomar decisiones afirmadas en la ética ambiental, y cambiar las prioridades en nuestros estilos de vida, de modo que pueda asegurarse la salud del mundo socionatural para las generaciones presentes y futuras.
Este alegato recupera la palabra silenciada y abre la perspectiva a un escenario de diálogo de racionalidades. Un diálogo donde la interdependencia y retroalimentación entre Educación Ambiental, Ecología Política y Economía Ecológica supere los caminos engañosos que embarraron su desarrollo en las últimas décadas, suelo contaminado abonado por el desarrollo sostenible, difundido por tanto especialista de agencias internacionales y pedagogizado por tecnócratas de la educación dispuestos a transformar el sistema educativo desde las marismas enturbiadas por su propio linaje epistemológico de fragmentaciones.
Este Manifiesto del Bicentenario, continúa el viaje iniciado por el Manifiesto para Ambientalizar la Vida, de una permanente reescritura y reelaboración, a la que convidamos… con la convicción de que se irá enriqueciendo colectivamente a partir de la alegría que nutre los corazones militantes de quienes cotidianamente luchamos por la defensa de la vida de todas las vidas.
Rosario, Argentina, Mayo de 2010 – Escuela de Educación y Formación Ambiental Chico Mendes
Pensamiento Ambiental Latinoamericano
Por el Equipo docente: Carlos Galano, Norma Banchio, Damián Verzeñassi, Claudia Gotta, Mercedes Caila, Graciela Mandolini, Sandra Michelón, Eduardo Spiaggi, Fernando Pagano, Patricia Lía.