IIRSA and RIISA South American ideological dyslexia

IIRSA and RIISA South American ideological dyslexia

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By Ramiro Chimuris Sosa

With the fragility of democracies and the weakness of rulers in the face of financial organizations, amid glasses of champagne, flashes and wide smiles, it was signed during the Summit of Presidents in Brasilia in 2000, and with a toast held high, the South American Regional Integration and Infrastructure plan.

IIRSA for the peoples,
RIISA for multinational commercial and financial corporations

With the fragility of democracies and the weakness of rulers in the face of financial organizations, amid glasses of champagne, flashes and wide smiles, it was signed during the Summit of Presidents in Brasilia in 2000, and with a toast held high, the South American Regional Integration and Infrastructure Plan (IIRSA), for Anglo-Saxons RIISA (Regional Integration of Infrastructure in South America). This initiative, inserted in the neoliberal model of commercialization and privatization, is done behind the back and in the deepest silence towards its peoples.

The open veins of Latin America bleed again. Its people, its towns, its culture, its flora, its fauna, its rivers, are business opportunities for foreign investors, in the name of progress and development. Their earnings are paid by the indigenous people (who are left without their lands), the poor (who are more accompanied because more and more are), salaried workers (who contribute to lower the costs of these entrepreneurs), us, our children and the children of our children. Now they are investors, before they were called conquerors.

What is IIRSA?

The plan for the Integration of the South American Regional Infrastructure (IIRSA) is a project that covers the areas of transportation, energy and telecommunications in order to promote commercial opportunities in the South American territory seen as a large market.

As the President will highlight [1] of the IDB, in the presentation of the IIRSA proposal, South America is "Of a continent endowed with natural resources, ... with more than 300 million people of rich cultural diversity who live and work in an economic space of 18 million square kilometers with a GDP of more than US $ 1.5 trillion."

From this (mercantilist) paradigm, by integration it refers to those "globalization processes, the current negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the possibility towards the future of the Free Trade Area of ​​the Americas (FTAA)" [2]

This initiative proposes the realization of the physical infrastructure works necessary for this objective: to promote the installation of the FTAA.

It is the continuation of the same model, its Central American brother: PLAN PUEBLA PANAMA, which has dire consequences for the peoples and natural resources of Central America from Mexico to Panama.

When was born?

This initiative was launched from the Meeting of Presidents of South America in August 2000 in the city of Brasilia, Federative Republic of Brazil. It was President Fernando Henrique Cardoso who promoted the invitation to form a forum for discussion on a future economic space for South American integration, proposing the necessary macroeconomic coordination "with a view to expanding the physical integration infrastructure." [3]

But it was the President of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the Uruguayan Enrique Iglesias [4] who appreciates the "Opportunity to present a document to support the discussion on the physical integration of the continent" by delivering an Executive Summary and a report as "first point of support based on the identification of" axes of integration and development "throughout the physical space regional,… in the areas of energy, transport and telecommunications, with a view to creating a common space for investment. "

He adds in that speech that “To take advantage of the full potential of the subregional and continental markets, a number of obstacles must be overcome. One of them is to consolidate regional agreements,… deepen trade ties between the subregions of the continent, in a manner consistent with WTO rules, and eliminate non-tariff barriers within and between agreements. Another critical requirement is the development of regional infrastructure, which has traditionally been a "bottleneck" for integration. "

In the intervention of the Executive President of the Andean Development Corporation (CAF), Mr. Enrique García [5] , highlights "Regarding the future, we are pleased to see the efforts made by the IDB to present a proposed plan of action for the integration of the infrastructure of South America."

It is then a proposal presented by the IDB, which has the endorsement of the 12 South American Presidents who signed it at that time and gave it "legitimacy" as government undertakings.

The technical coordination and its operation was delegated from the beginning to the three regional multilateral development banks: the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the Andean Development Corporation (CAF) and the Financial Fund for the Development of the La Plata Basin ( FONPLATA). From a Strategic Business Vision, these banks proposed an Action Plan with a period of ten years to make the aspirations of regional integration that are being executed a reality.

In addition to their active role in financing studies and projects related to IIRSA, these institutions have facilitated and promoted the participation of the private sector in the initiative.

By whom and for whom is the IIRSA designed?

The interests that are taken into account are those of investors who belong to the large natural resource extraction complexes (sectors: mining, agro-industrial - basically transgenic monocultures -, forestry, etc.) and / or service provision (mega-works, transportation , electricity, gas, water, etc.).

In the report [6] presented by Uruguay to the World Bank for the request of a loan to improve road infrastructure (PID of April 24, 2005), the government requests financing to support the strategy aimed at: a) giving competitiveness to Uruguayan exports that they are transport-intensive (soybean, rice, forestry); b) Uruguay having an acceptable quality of highways, for which large investments are not necessary, will be aimed at achieving regional physical integration and competitiveness in transportation required by exports (from the aforementioned sectors); c) the Megaconcession, which has had positive results, needing to consolidate its purpose, obtain funds from sources other than the MTOP budget; d) Uruguay, as a transit country between Brazil and Argentina, intends to raise its road infrastructure standards to the level of MERCOSUR requirements, for the passage of trucks over 22 tons; e) support the increase in internal and port transport requirements for the forestry sector. The report recognizes the positive role of the private sector in port development and clarifies that all investment financed by this project will be aligned with this principle (of private participation). This project for 100 million dollars was approved with a contribution from the World Bank for 70 million dollars and 30 million from the Uruguayan government.

It seems, from what the facts show, that the interests that are only being taken into account are those of a few powerful ones, with lobbies that exert a lot of influence and mainly foreigners - who immediately take the profits they are obtaining. Because if this were not the case, it would not be understandable for Uruguay to allocate the limited investment resources it has available to improve the profitability of investment groups such as BOTNIA. An interesting article published in the Helsingin Sanomat “Metsä-Botnia CEO Erkki Varis is confident that the plant will be very competitive; Compared to modern pulp mills in Finland, the estimated production costs would be around half ” [7] (and your earnings double).

It seems ... that we are embarking on this initiative that aims to develop production chains with large economies of scale without evaluating whether this is what we need according to the characteristics and potential of "our" productivity.

It seems ... that the great concern is to take care of providing infrastructure to groups that have settled because the privileges and benefits they already have are convenient for them, but we allocate all our resources to continue favoring them. And what about the rest of the thousands of small producers who were part of the original program of a productive Uruguay with social justice?

It seems… that we change them for a handful of entrepreneurs who always want more and more.

How is its operation organized?

The initiative includes direct coordination mechanisms between governments, financial institutions (IDB, CAF, FONPLATA), the private sector and civil society (although with the latter they are not effectively functioning).

It is organized in three levels:

Executive Steering Committee (CDE), executive level: Composed of government authorities (generally Ministers of State) from each of the countries. The CDE secretariat is exercised by the Technical Coordination Committee (CCT) made up of the IDB, CAF and FONPLATA. Its purpose is to propose the "harmonization" of the regulatory framework and the coordination of guiding policies that reflect the "spirit" of IIRSA.

Technical Coordination Committee (CCT), technical level: Made up of the three development banks (IDB, CAF and FONPLATA), they are the ones who coordinate the execution of IIRSA and help to promote private investment. This committee is also in charge of the dissemination of information and the participation of civil society, within the selective methodology that characterizes them.

Executive Technical Groups (GTE), technical level: They are made up of public officials and experts designated for each Axis or Integration Process. The CCT is also the one who exercises the secretariat for the coordination of the work of the different GTEs and the CDE. In each country IIRSA is structured through National Coordinations.

This operating structure gives the IDB a fundamental role when defining guidelines, priorities, and resource allocations.

One of the criticisms that we as civil society raise is the lack of transparency and information regarding the way in which projects that are classified as within the IIRSA initiative are identified, evaluated, and financed. The criteria by which one infrastructure project is accepted and another is not concerned are concerned, although it is important for the improvement of infrastructure and national development (from which it can be related to the others).

In Uruguay, regarding the participation of civil society, we find that as a country we have signed such an important and transcendental project for our present and future and we are not informed, much less spaces for participation are enabled. This "initiative" (as they like to call it) has been implemented for five years, but it is only scheduled for 2006 to begin with workshops for the dissemination and participation of citizens.

The question may be naive, but how can one "truly" participate in consummate events?

What is the vision of the IIRSA Action Plan?

IIRSA's initiative originates from a Strategic Business Vision; It was based on the evaluation of the productive capacities generated by the territorial spaces and the deficiencies and "needs" of physical infrastructure services (transport, energy and telecommunications) to support business opportunities. They are multinational geographic strips that concentrate current and potential production and trade flows. This was the criterion applied to define the “axes of economic integration”.

It is made up of 10 axes that transcend national borders in order to "support" business production chains and serve as a basis for the harmonization of regulatory systems among Latin American countries.

The axes are the fundamental instrument of the IIRSA initiative to achieve its development objectives.

The 10 axes of integration are the following:
Andean Axis (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela)
Southern Andean Hub (Chile, Argentina)
Capricorn Axis (Chile, Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil)
Amazon Axis (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil)
Guiana Shield Axis (Venezuela-Brazil-Guyana-Suriname)
Paraguay-Paraná Waterway Hub (Paraguay, Argentina, Uruguay)
Central Interoceanic Hub (Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Peru)
MERCOSUR-Chile axis (Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil)
Peru-Brazil-Bolivia axis
Southern Axis (Argentina, Chile)

What are the guiding principles of IIRSA?

The IIRSA project is embedded in the parameters of neoliberal globalization, market liberalization, elimination of “barriers”, deregulations, minimization of the state with the transfer of prerogatives that corresponded to it and of areas of participation to the private sector.

In the words of the then president of the IDB, Enrique Iglesias “Structural economic reforms, including regional integration, have contributed to important advances in development… while improving the supply response of the public and private sectors. However, much remains to be done. Trade, investment and the movement of people still suffer delays and setbacks… the economic and social development of commercial exchange centers in South American regional markets has not been realized to its full potential, in part due to the lack of a vision strategic… It is in this context that the Meeting of Presidents of South America shows so much promise… and seizing the opportunities of the parallel forces of globalization and regionalism. However, this will require the political commitment of our leaders and a disciplined follow-up of programs and action plans to deepen regional cooperation in the chosen areas ... For this reason, I hope I will be allowed to add some ideas about the important role that regional infrastructure and assistance that the IDB provides to its member countries to achieve this important development objective. " [8]

From this perspective (legitimate for its defenders), reductionist mercantilist (paradigm that sees everything as a system of resource exploitation, cost reduction and profit maximization), they divide Latin America into “productive” chunks. That is why they replace the territorial organization of the 12 sovereign South American nation states with 10 more efficient “productive axes” for their objectives.

So it is not a question of “regional integration”, of integrating the peoples or of integrating the environment with respect (which is considered a negative externality to be included -eventually- in the “costs” so that they do not raise mobilizations of social rejection) [9] , IIRSA is a multi-company megaproject for multinationals and international credit organizations.

Seeing it this way, we are not saying no to integration, no to development and growth, we are saying that these partial forms of pretending to reality violate the capabilities and legitimate rights of our people.

Let us think and make a truly integrated Latin America, with the only real integration possible and that is that of its peoples, not that of the selfish interests of a few for their main benefit. That is ignoring, denigrating, abusing nature, people and their needs and rights.

The level of aggressiveness to biodiversity, to the ecosystems that make it up and to cultural diversity, that this transfer initiative and cumulative impacts can generate both for present and future societies in our territories is of concern. It is evident that IIRSA is an initiative aimed at increasing investment in large-scale infrastructure projects, to favor the privileged. There is no certain relationship between infrastructure investment with higher economic growth and poverty reduction and it has been questioned by a number of studies (such as those produced by Extractive Industries Review). [10] According to the experiences in communities and their surroundings, with this class of projects (oil pipelines, gas pipelines, hydroelectric dams, roads, etc.), they have shown that there are more damages than benefits from investment in infrastructure.

We adhere to those proposals and voices that are being raised to demand that the infrastructure initiatives proposed by IIRSA have to be publicly debated, since it is all of us who are reached and their evils may become irreparable.

The application of these neoliberal recipes does not bring benefits to the general population. In addition to what we can "see" every day: hunger, marginalization and death for thousands of children, young people and the elderly due to lack of food, water or easily curable diseases, statistics show how poverty rates are increasing (and in continuous growth), condemning more than half of the population in the world to live below the poverty line, and on the other hand scientifically demonstrate how the accumulation of wealth is increasing and is concentrated in fewer and fewer hands (which coincide with large corporations, multinationals and international financiers). The 147 richest people on the planet have a cumulative fortune equivalent to the annual income of almost 3,000,000,000 (three billion) inhabitants, half of the world's population! [11]

It is not sustainable in the face of the devastating and omnipresent events that these principles of neoliberalism are to improve (much less lift) the population out of poverty in developing countries. However, our governments insist on defending and deepening these neoliberal economic policies and projects such as IIRSA, which condemns us to a profound social, economic, cultural, civil and environmental injustice.

Some tales of globalization

The deformation of language, concepts, linguistic marketing at the service of commercial interests. How much are words worth? What price do the rights of the peoples have? They now speak of “asymmetries in monetary flows”, to speak of the income differences between the different countries, especially when the economy and the size of the Uruguayan state, does not imply that it needs to be part of this plan that is not for the benefit or the national industry, nor the national production model, with social justice, much less in favor of Uruguay as a natural country.

Here we enter into another linguistic tool the "externalities", are those costs and benefits derived from a project that do not translate into outflows or monetary income. For example positive externalities are regional development, job creation, negative externalities “Would include adverse environmental effects (the destruction of natural habitats) or the need to provide a new place to live for affected populations. It is not always easy to estimate, and even less to “monetize”, the costs and benefits induced in a project, especially with regard to environmental aspects " [12] . For the promoters of these projects, whose ideology is profit, money accumulation, negative externalities, the indirect effects can be "monetized". It is simply a cost-benefit relationship, as determined by the visceral column of the IIRSA "Negative externalities must be internalized in the project, so that compensations are recognized as an explicit monetary cost."

From the nut tale to Game Theory

When we were children, we were told a story of two friends who find a walnut on the ground and dispute over who saw it first (later we learn that Roman jurists said first in time, better in law). The children call another child (a third, a referee), for him to decide. This third, carefully cuts the walnut into two equal halves, gives 50% of the shell to each, and keeps the content.

Now the experts of the multinational organizations, in the case of problems when it comes to monetizing negative externalities, follow Thomas Schelling and the Game Theory: when distributing losses between two players, make it 50-50. Which leaves us with the fact that the fruit of the nut is taken away by multinational corporations and international credit organizations. As doña Maria and Don José well know, “the penalties and the vaquitas go down the same path, the penalties are ours, the vaquitas are foreign” (Athahualpa Yupanqui song, example of intangible heritage and cultural integration: River Plate folklore ).

What is the turnover?

According to the methodology used, the IIRSA initiative has identified at the moment a portfolio of 335 transport, energy and telecommunications infrastructure projects, for an estimated amount of US $ 37.47 billion. [13]

How is it financed?

Although IIRSA projects do not have a special financing system created by the IDB or other credit institutions, they do have communication and coordination mechanisms that facilitate access to the necessary credit. To do this, they have been working on "new and creative" financing instruments, which are transformed into more external debt for our countries and peoples.

At the end of last year, the First Meeting of the Executive Technical Group (GTE) on financing instruments for IIRSA projects took place in the city of Lima, Peru. The objective of this meeting was to propose, discuss and analyze solutions that promote the financing of the IIRSA Strategic Project Portfolio and agree on actions to be implemented in the short and medium term.

They were organized around three working groups. The first referred to the South American Infrastructure Authority (ASI); the second to income generation mechanisms for the sector (user charges such as tolls, fuel taxes, capital gains rates on affected land, high impact merchandise rates); and the third to the options for the participation of the Private Sector (necessary economic conditions, institutional and legal requirements, considerations for the design of contracts).

What is the South American Infrastructure Authority (ASI)?

The South American Infrastructure Authority (ASI) intends to become a South American supranational authority with the role of governing and managing IIRSA projects. Its objective is to channel the funds of the multilateral financing agencies, coordinate them, integrate them and do so within the framework or under the “spirit” of IIRSA. [14]

IIRSA and ASI are worth one PERU

The proposal was presented by the President of Peru, Dr. Alejandro Toledo and supported by Brazil and Uruguay. In his inaugural address [15] of the XVII Summit of the Rio Group in Cusco, May 2003 highlights “These Authorities may become the managers of our large infrastructure networks, they will manage the necessary funds with multilateral entities, international banks and in the capital markets. These Authorities will entrust the works tenders to the ministries of public works of our countries or to specialized third parties. Likewise, they will deliver the works under administration to public or private entities as appropriate. Finally, they will receive from the member states the payments and guarantees necessary to complement user charges and make financing viable. "

"Our friends at the Monetary Fund assure us that since the Authority is an international entity, it will be treated the same as the Andean Development Corporation, the International Finance Corporation of the World Bank or the Central American Bank for Economic Integration ..."

This proposal violates the principles of democracy, being in itself an extremely dangerous event as an indicator of the level of megalomania and recklessness that is taking hold of some political, business and executive actors of international organizations.

In our view, these agencies, these supra-legal authorities, lack international legal validity, are in violation of constitutional rights, and are unaware of international and national public order. They are a clear interference in the free self-determination of the peoples, and we must call the attention of those who represent us so that the sovereignty of the states and the fundamental rights of the Latin American peoples are not subjugated. It is also a call to social organizations, human rights, bar associations, and the respective judicial powers to mobilize and assume the corresponding responsibilities.

From the institutional financial “matrix” the guidelines of the world order are built. The legitimizing origin is virtual, the peoples freely and democratically did not elect them; But their power is real, it is enough to see the financial disasters to which they subject poor countries, to the perverse economic recipes and structural adjustment plans that are true plans to annihilate any attempt at development.

At IIRSA we are talking about big business, and also about the imposition of supranational mechanisms, treaties and legal mechanisms of submission: “How to mitigate the political and legal risks associated with transnational projects, especially when their costs and benefits are unevenly distributed? In order to mitigate legal risks, each IIRSA project should be regulated by a special bilateral Agreement (Special Bilateral Treaty or SBT) signed by all participating countries. The Agreement would agree to the constitution of a Granting Authority (Special Purpose Public Agency or SPPA) that would act as the executing agency for the project. Said SPPA would have its own legal personality and would be governed by its Statutes and founding Norm. Likewise, it could take the form of a public consortium or a publicly owned commercial company.[16]

Again the conditions of the market rules sweep away governments, democracies and displace national authorities. Mercantilist fiction aims to legitimize and create supra-legal norms above the National Constitutions of the countries, transforming the States into mere spectators, "beggars" [17] , dumb and obedient, only concerned with creating a favorable investment climate.

Are we going back to the Viceroyalties of the colonial era?

(…) All the citizens of South America, we would elect Presidents, who would be a kind of monarchs or democratic kings (they would maintain protocol functions, the unity of the State, etc.) but they would not “govern”, since their ministers would be hierarchically subordinate to regional authorities, who would give them "some tasks" under their relevant control, although the main thing would be referred to the concentrated groups of the developed world " [18]

The "new alternative financial structures" contained in this IIRSA plan

Each project will be regulated by a special bilateral agreement or treaty and conceived as a unitary economic exploitation characterized by a “single box”.

Each ARI (Regional Infrastructure Authorities) is a TRUST, the member countries are trustees, managed by a trustee (the Andean Development Corporation for the South American Infrastructure Authority / IIRSA; the Central American Bank for Economic Integration for the Central American Infrastructure Authority / Plan Puebla Panama and the Caribbean Development Bank for the Caribbean Authority Infrastructure / for the Caribbean)

The three “PPPs” (Public Private Partnership), the conjunction of the participation of public and private interests from multilateral institutions, the IDB and the CAF, will be in charge of financing and promoting them.

Each State must contribute funds proportionally to the externalities obtained from it.

The creation of a special vehicle company (Special Purpose Vehicle) is planned to finance the projects.

The “MIGA” (Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency), a member organization of the World Bank Group, was established on April 12, 1988. Its purpose is to support the flow of foreign investment resources among its developing member countries. Establishes stable standards for the treatment of foreign investment. It facilitates investment by protecting it from the risks of fluctuation in the exchange rates of different currencies, expropriations, wars and social conflicts. It has its own Arbitration Rules for controversies in the guarantee contracts of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (1990) (

Legal support: with the treaties we put the fox in the henhouse

The legal tool for recolonization at the service of the FTAA and IIRSA are the Investment Promotion and Protection Treaties such as the one that is to be discussed in parliament with the United States and by which Dr. Jorge Batlle, and the Minister of Economía Alfie, para no dejar tareas sin finalizar, trabajaron hasta las últimas horas, firmándolo el 25 de octubre de 2004 (6 días antes de las elecciones nacionales, y ahora está a consideración del parlamento nacional).

En su Sección A. ARTICULO 1. Definiciones. Acuerdo de Inversión, e Inversión Cubierta, están comprendidas las siguientes actividades: “c) para llevar a cabo proyectos de infraestructura, tales como la construcción de carreteras, puentes, canales, represas, cañerías, que sean para el exclusivo o predominante uso y beneficio del gobierno(…)”

“La inversión puede adoptar diversas formas…,a) una empresa, b) acciones, capital y otras formas de participación en el patrimonio de una empresa, c) bonos, obligaciones, y otros instrumentos de deuda y préstamos, e) contratos de llave en mano, de construcción, de gestión, de producción, de concesión, de participación en los ingresos y similares”.

Cualquier coincidencia con los alcances del IIRSA como “inversión”, no es mera casualidad. Estos tratados son el instrumento jurídico que da las mayores garantías a las multinacionales y a los organismos financieros, a través de las cláusulas de trato nacional, nación más favorecida, seguridad plena, amparo de preinversión. Contribuyen además a privatizar y desnacionalizar los recursos naturales y la biodiversidad del planeta.

Quizás Collin Powell fue más gráfico: “nuestro objetivo en el ALCA es garantizar a las empresas norteamericanas el control del territorio que va desde el polo Artico hasta el Antártico, libre acceso, sin ningún obstáculo o dificultad, para nuestro productos, servicios, tecnología y capital en todo el hemisferio” [19]

Poco importa tener “grandes corredores” cuando ya nos hayan llevado nuestras riquezas.

Eje MERCOSUR – Chile – Uruguay y el IIRSA

Dentro de los proyectos oficiales IIRSA, Uruguay tiene aprobados 10 proyectos por 8.827 millones de dólares (dos tercios de la deuda externa actual!!!) [20]

La economía uruguaya es muy pequeña y son pocas las empresas con tamaño suficiente para enfrentar la iniciativa IIRSA. La financiación del proyecto en bonos privados de Uruguay es prácticamente improbable. Por lo cual se deberá contraer deuda con organismos multinacionales, mercados de capitales internacionales, bancos de desarrollo regionales, en otras palabras generamos más deuda externa.

Pero debemos preguntarnos, el plan IIRSA, ¿a quien beneficia en Uruguay?

La respuesta la dio el Sr. Ministro de Transporte y Obras Públicas Víctor Rossi, en el “Taller nacional sobre Visión Estratégica para la Integración Física Suramericana” realizado en una fecha muy especial el 12 de octubre de 2005, en el Ministerio de transporte y obras Públicas en el marco de la iniciativa IIRSA: “El Secretario de Estado destacó la importancia del ferrocarril y mencionó que se necesita revitalizar algunas vías para poder desarrollar en primer lugar el transporte de carga …particularmente la carga forestal” …“Hoy nos encontramos con el desafío de mover toneladas de madera y si no lo hacemos por el ferrocarril no sé si todo el plan forestal se justifica en sí”, puntualizó.

”El ferrocarril va a ser no el único instrumento”, sostuvo, “pero seguramente será uno fundamental para poder canalizar en condiciones favorables para los empresarios y para el país esa carga forestal…” [21] .

“El menú ya fue elegido: plato principal “IIRSA, a punto”, de beber champagne Presidentes “Brasilia”, cosecha año 2000, de la entrada no dejaron ninguna MIGA en el mantel, y se escuchan tan solo RIISA”

Enrique Iglesias, Presentación a la Reunión de Presidentes de América del Sur, Brasilia, 1 de septiembre de 2000
Enrique Iglesias, Presentación a la Reunión de Presidentes de América del Sur, Brasilia, setiembre 2000.
Enrique Iglesias, Presentación a la Reunión de Presidentes de América del Sur, Brasilia, setiembre 2000
Report Nª AB1435
Enrique Iglesias, Presentación a la Reunión de Presidentes de América del Sur, Brasilia, 1 de septiembre de 2000
Consultora española sadfasdfas
Info del Bank Information Center (BIC)
Eric Toussaint, “La bolsa o la vida” Ediciones CLACSO, 2004.
Cita del informe Grupo Analistas Financieros Internacionales, “Financiación de proyectos transnacionales de infraestructuras en América del Sur (iniciativa IIRSA), pág.15
Discurso inaugural del Presidente del Perú, Dr. Alejandro Toledo, para la XVII Cumbre del Grupo de Río en Cusco, mayo del 2003
pág. 4 Analistas Financieros
Diario Ultimas Noticias, Ministro Ganadería José Mujica: “somos un país pedigüeño, que vivimos endeudados y no somos capaces de generar ahorro propio” 17 de junio de 2005, pág. 12
Ponencia del Dr. Ceferino L. Farberoff “Una autoridad Supranacional de Infraestructuras y la Gobernabilidad Democrática”, presentada al I Congreso internacional del Mercosur, La Plata, Argentina, 15 al 17 de abril de 2004).
The Wall Street Journal, Nueva York, 16/10/01, “Put Trade on the on The Fast Track”.

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